Wer kann denn schon ja sagen?

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2019
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Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft. 2019, 38(2), pp. 243-298. ISSN 0721-9067. eISSN 1613-3706. Available under: doi: 10.1515/zfs-2019-2003
Zusammenfassung

The article explores German discourse particles (DiPs) in rhetorical whquestions (wh-RQs). While schon (roughly ‘unexpectedly’) only marks rhetorical wh-questions, denn (roughly ‘I wonder’) marks contextually arising informationseeking or rhetorical Questions under Discussion (QuDs), with or without schon. Since ja (roughly ‘unquestionably’) marks shared information, it is incompatible with questions by itself, but occasionally occurs in wh-RQs left of DiPs like schon instead of denn. The results of two acceptability judgment experiments confirm that ja is strongly dispreferred in RQs, the presence of schon improves RQs with and without ja, and denn has no effect on acceptability. A follow-up study further indicated the rhetorical reading of our target questions to prevail independently from DiPs. We conclude that ja in RQs operates on the information contributed by elements like schon, denoting roughly that the issue in question arises ‘unquestionably against expectations’. Our contexts were neutral regarding the discourse functions of ja and denn (side remarks vs. QuDs), unlike the contexts of the findings, from which we deduce that the marked ja schon-RQs, while grammatical, require specific felicity conditions. A first attempt to confirm this experimentally was globally unsuccessful and could only reveal potential hints in an exploratory analysis.

Zusammenfassung in einer weiteren Sprache
Fachgebiet (DDC)
400 Sprachwissenschaft, Linguistik
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German discourse particles, acceptability judgments, rhetorical questions, interacting expressives, discourse function, felicity conditions
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undefined / . - undefined, undefined
Zitieren
ISO 690VIESEL, Yvonne, Constantin FREITAG, 2019. Wer kann denn schon ja sagen?. In: Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft. 2019, 38(2), pp. 243-298. ISSN 0721-9067. eISSN 1613-3706. Available under: doi: 10.1515/zfs-2019-2003
BibTex
@article{Viesel2019-11-03schon-47491,
  year={2019},
  doi={10.1515/zfs-2019-2003},
  title={Wer kann denn schon ja sagen?},
  number={2},
  volume={38},
  issn={0721-9067},
  journal={Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft},
  pages={243--298},
  author={Viesel, Yvonne and Freitag, Constantin}
}
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    <dcterms:abstract xml:lang="eng">The article explores German discourse particles (DiPs) in rhetorical whquestions (wh-RQs). While schon (roughly ‘unexpectedly’) only marks rhetorical wh-questions, denn (roughly ‘I wonder’) marks contextually arising informationseeking or rhetorical Questions under Discussion (QuDs), with or without schon. Since ja (roughly ‘unquestionably’) marks shared information, it is incompatible with questions by itself, but occasionally occurs in wh-RQs left of DiPs like schon instead of denn. The results of two acceptability judgment experiments confirm that ja is strongly dispreferred in RQs, the presence of schon improves RQs with and without ja, and denn has no effect on acceptability. A follow-up study further indicated the rhetorical reading of our target questions to prevail independently from DiPs. We conclude that ja in RQs operates on the information contributed by elements like schon, denoting roughly that the issue in question arises ‘unquestionably against expectations’. Our contexts were neutral regarding the discourse functions of ja and denn (side remarks vs. QuDs), unlike the contexts of the findings, from which we deduce that the marked ja schon-RQs, while grammatical, require specific felicity conditions. A first attempt to confirm this experimentally was globally unsuccessful and could only reveal potential hints in an exploratory analysis.</dcterms:abstract>
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