Why *-ling-in? : The pertinacity of a wrong gender
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Co-occurrence restrictions among affixes are preferably accounted for through general structural constraints, to do with separations of word-internal domains, with hierarchical rankings of the affixes involved, with processing complexity, or with word-prosodic patterns. Disallowing particular designated affixes to combine with one another by (language-particular) stipulation is considered a theoretical option only to be taken as a last resort. Against this backdrop it is argued here that in the much-discussed German case of diminutive-pejorative-absolutive suffix -ling the preclusion of further derivational affixation, in particular suffixation with feminine motional -in, is not due to any such general constraint; rather, this must be recognised as an instance of an affix-specific selectional restriction of a morphosemantic kind. The chief theoretical interest of this particular case is diachronic. While inner suffix -ling, originally a semantically neutral nominalising suffix, was able to acquire a diminutive, pejorative, absolutive-aligned ("passive") semantics, its original gender remained masculine rather than changing to neuter, as would be semantically more suitable. Thus, with the outer, feminine-deriving suffix -in being sensitive to the gender of its nominal bases, nouns which are formally masculine, as required by -in suffixation, but on semantic grounds ought to be neuter are infelicitous.
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PLANK, Frans, 2011. Why *-ling-in? : The pertinacity of a wrong gender. In: Morphology. 2011, 22(2), pp. 277-292. ISSN 1871-5621. eISSN 1871-5656. Available under: doi: 10.1007/s11525-011-9188-3BibTex
@article{Plank2011lingi-21956, year={2011}, doi={10.1007/s11525-011-9188-3}, title={Why *-ling-in? : The pertinacity of a wrong gender}, number={2}, volume={22}, issn={1871-5621}, journal={Morphology}, pages={277--292}, author={Plank, Frans} }
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